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The term “gentrification” was coined in 1964 by a British sociologist named Ruth Glass, who noticed changes in the demographic breakdown of historically low and working class neighborhoods in London.  In particular, the change she described refered to a noticeably increasing number of middle class people moving to such neighborhoods, in many cases displacing the relatively lower class people who could no longer afford the increasing cost of living there. 

 

Since 1964, lots have changed about global cities, their functions, and their demographic composition.  New York City, amongst many others, is an illustrative example of just how much change has occurred.  Today, gentrification is a hotter topic in New York than it has ever been, as very similar effects to those that Ruth Glass described more than fifty years ago are affecting a noticeably large number of neighborhoods across the five boroughs.  Every year, New York University’s Furman Center publishes annual reports on the State of New York City’s Housing and Neighborhoods, focusing the very first section on a pressing and policy-relevant issue affecting New York City.  In the latest report, published on May 9, 2016, the focus topic was Gentrification. 

 

The focus choice comes as little surprise: according to the report, just over a quarter of the cities’ residents live in gentrifying areas, which have seen average rent growths around twice as high as the cities’ non-gentrifying neighborhoods between the years 2000 and 2014.  Williamsburg, Brooklyn, the neighborhood with the highest rent growth, has seen 78.7% growth in average rent over the same period.  If Williamsburg’s increase in living cost is any indication of what is to come to lower-rent-growth, yet still-gentrifying neighborhoods across the city, it is no wonder that many academics, planners, and New York residents are concerned for the future.

 

Still yet, increases in living expenses aren’t the only factor at stake for those concerned about Gentrification’s effects on neighborhoods.  The NYU study also found that the same New York neighborhoods experiencing gentrification were the ones with the fastest growth of residents who were college graduates, young adults, had childless families, occupied non-family households, and were white residents.  In New York, many of the gentrifying neighborhoods listed are considered historic districts for immigrant and minority families, which, in many cases have been synonymous with fostering many distinctively American contributions in culture, art, food, sports, business, and many other areas.  Concerns over diminishing racial, social, and cultural diversity – as well as the associated contributions they have brought throughout American history – can indeed be perceived as a threat to New York and America.

 

Relatedly, the conflicting economic and political interests of young, college educated, single, and non-family white workers with relatively lower class, diverse families, threatens to put a strain on the institutions which aim to serve neighborhood residents across the city.  If, in practice, gentrification actually threatens the very capability of American cities like New York to function and cater to a diverse range of people; then certainly, gentrification as a topic should be considered seriously, and its real effects contemplated by politicians and the public sector at large when making decisions and implementing policy.

 

The following readings will serve as a primer on gentrification, and are written for those who care about American cities as cultural and economic centers, as well as changing real estate markets and how they can impact what city neighborhoods look and feel like.  They’re also for people who are interested in what urban planning might have to say about changing cities, and how the public sector plays a role as a stakeholder in them.  Lastly, they’re written for people interested in economic inequality, and who want to gain a greater insight into how we may be able to better help some of the most vulnerable residents of American cities.

 

Significantly, I am no expert on urban planning, and I’m no expert on public policy.  I’m not even an expert in social justice or in economics.  My job isn’t to become an expert in any of these fields in order to provide a more informative view on gentrification and what should be done about it.  Instead, my job is to engage in deep research and understand what each of the above-mentioned disciplines may have to say about changing cities.  In regards to gentrification, I’ll try to find where these disciplines agree and are at odds with one another, and finally, will point the reader in some directions about how to find what these disciplines get right and wrong. 

 

No concerned or interested person has to become a professional planner, politician, economist, or philosopher to begin to tackle some of the most pressing issues that we face as members of the global community.  Instead, we have to critically gather and analyze information from thought leaders and ask smart questions.  I intend to arm the readers of this with information to do so and empower them to learn more and take action.

To get started, click below, and we will try to understand the dynamics of our changing cities. 

Gentrification.

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